Media essays

MAINSTREAM AND INDIGENOUS MEDIA IN AUSTRALIAN SOCIETY

by Amanda Caulfield (2003)
The relationship between Indigenous people and mainstream media has often been marred by negative portrayals and lack of understanding. This essay will examine mainstream media’s depiction of Australia’s Indigenous people and also chart the emergence of Indigenous media up to its current state, examining its role as a force to speak for Aboriginal people and counter typical mainstream media portrayals.
MAINSTREAM MEDIA – TELLING THE STORIES
Mainstream media typically focus on news stories which will sell papers, profit being the imperative of remaining in the commercial market. Characteristics typically identified as signifying a story as newsworthy are conflict, negativity, the unusual, and the unexpected, the dramatic and the extraordinary (Bell, 1997), proximity and the opportunity for visual images. These are characteristics which Hartley and McKee (2000) attribute to the reason for over representation of Aborigines in media stories.
News stories also promote the values of the dominant culture, with the same values being routinely "repackaged and reproduced" (Jakubowicz, 1994 : 159). Issues and people are often stereotyped and categorised to provide the media recipient with familiar stories that they can relate to and feel informed by without having to work too hard. In Australian culture popular media particularly pride themselves on representing the hopes and fears of the common man (i.e. radio talkback king, Alan Jones); the common man usually being male, white and Anglo-Australian (Jakubowicz, The Media Report 6/9/01).
In our society, a society which established its legal and constitutional structures on the basis of terra nullius – land belonging to no one – and where only approximately 2.5% of the population are Indigenous Australians, the dominant cultural values of the media are those of Anglo-Australia. From the beginnings of white settlement the media established an oppressive relationship with the Indigenous people, praising up the white culture and its values at their expense. Jakubowicz (1994) provides examples from early 19th century ‘Sydney Gazette’ writings, such as the piece which celebrates the achievements of a young Aboriginal man brought up by whites after the death of his parents, achievements it was implied of greater value than that which he would have accomplished if brought up within his own culture.
The mainstream media depiction of Indigenous people and issues over the past 15 years has been examined by numerous authors (Hartley and McKee, 2000; Jakubowicz, 1994; Meadows, 2001) in the context of a number of historical occasions. The Bicentenary celebration of 1988, the published findings in 1991 from the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, the Mabo result from June 1992, and the Sydney Olympics in 2000.
Of these events, the most clear directive for mainstream media in their dealings with Indigenous issues came from the 1991 publication of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal deaths in custody. The findings issued a number of recommendations for the media in working with Indigenous communities. The recommendations included the development of practices and policies in the presentation of Aboriginal issues; the establishment of monitoring bodies; the creation of an annual award for excellence in Aboriginal affairs reporting; for institutions teaching journalism courses to contain a significant component related to Aboriginal affairs; and for ongoing formal and informal contact with Aboriginal organisations to create better understanding of "issues relating to the media treatment of Aboriginal affairs" in light of "the fact that many Aboriginal people throughout Australia express disappointment in the portrayal of Aboriginal people by the media" (cited in Hartley & McKee, 1996).
Change has not been quick in coming. The 1999 ATSIC review, Digital Dreaming. A National Review of Indigenous Media and Communications, found that mainstream media continued to either ignore Indigenous people or portray them in stereotypical, and usually negative, ways.
The predominant features evident in mainstream media portrayal of Indigenous people are of them as belonging to a backward culture, with an emphasis on tribalism; as threats to white society through violence and crime; as failures – incapable and undisciplined in attempting to aspire to the values determined by the white culture; as victims of whites (an image presented both with and without sympathy); and as spiritual and environmental people – linked with the primitivism of the Australian bush (often portrayed this way in advertisements) (Jakubowicz, 1994).
Brough (1999) in his 10 year study of three mainstream Australian newspapers, The Australian, The Sydney Morning Herald, and the Courier-Mail, identified two dominant themes evident in stories related to Aboriginal health – failure and fatalism. Brough proposes that the fatalistic language utilised to construct the stories allows little opportunity for change or solutions and as such plays a role in perpetuating the problem. Bell (1997) also addresses the media’s complicity in contributing to ongoing social division in Australian society by simply reproducing popular misconceptions about race.
Constantly evident in analysis of mainstream media’s portrayal of Indigenous issues is the lack of context with which such issues are discussed (Bell, 1997; The Media Report 27/1/00, 23/8/01, 27/12/01). To present stories without any context to the event provides recipients with only partial information, usually presented in line with the values of the society. Meadows (2001) proposes that print media is more successful in providing context to stories compared to television news and that the typical argument provided by television news that they have less space in which to convey the story is misleading. In his analysis of media coverage of rallies organised by the Indigenous community in Brisbane in 1996 Meadows found that the number of words available for broadcast and print media to tell the story was almost identical, yet only print media provided context to the story.
Mainstream media also typically fail to include Indigenous people as the authorative voice on related stories (Jakubowicz, 1994; Meadows, 2001), assume a sameness about being Aboriginal which is dismissive of the diversity which exists in Indigenous languages and cultures (Langton, 1993), and are insensitive to cultural differences between Anglo-Australians and Indigenous Australians (Hartley and McKee, 2000).
Telling Both Stories Media Forum Series was established in Western Australia in response to the Royal Commission recommendations. The forum was designed to bring together all the key players in mainstream media, Indigenous media and related organisations to explore some of the fundamental assumptions attached to the practice of news making, specifically relating to Indigenous people. The forum’s conclusion was that for the immediate future, change from mainstream media in their handling of Indigenous matters would be slow. Emphasis was therefore placed on Indigenous people themselves needing to become more active in media production in order to elicit change in the wider community with forum speaker Rob Riley calling on Indigenous people to accept responsibility for representing their stories themselves (Hartley and McKee, 1996). In some ways, however, this call to take responsibility and become active in the media negates the work which history shows us has already been achieved by Indigenous media in Australia.
THE EMERGENCE OF INDIGENOUS MEDIA AND ITS CURRENT STATE
Debate exists over when Indigenous people started expressing themselves through the media. Some suggest that the Indigenous community were without a voice until the 1970s at which stage a response was formed in order to counteract the racist media representations of the time (Meadows, 2001). In relation to broadcast media the 1980s marked the time for its strong emergence. In print media, however, the Aboriginal voice was evident long before this time (Rose, 1996).
Print Media
Indigenous print media is frequently given less credit than broadcast media, and has typically been a low funding priority for ATSIC compared to the other mediums (ATSIC Report, 1999). Broadcast media has been favoured over print due to the fact that it more closely approximates traditional culture with its informal content and tone, and its dependence on the spoken word, rather than the written word.
Despite this Indigenous print media has existed in Australia since the early 19th century and the written word has been long been recognised by some as a powerful means of bargaining with white man. A series of petitions and letters from the Coranderrk Reserve in Victoria from 1870s through to 1890s are examples of the use of early writing to attempt to elicit change (Van Toorn, 1999). Writing was incorporated with the oral tradition of the culture, with the elders of the community dictating to the younger members of the community, whose role was to scribe. Letters were directed to various places including the Protection Board and the primary Melbourne newspaper of the time, the Argus :
"To the Editor of Argus, - Sir, - …we have heard that there is going to be very strict rules on the station and those rules will be to much for us, it seems like we are all going to be treated like slaves …" (Argus, 1882 cited in Van Toorn, 1999).
Thus, the power of the written word and print media has, in some communities, been recognised for some time. In relation to the Coranderrk Reserve, the authorities recognised the power of the written word and attempted to reduce its strength. This eventually came about with the Aboriginal Protection Act of 1886 which prohibited part Aboriginal people under the age of 35 years from living on reserves, and deemed such people as non-Aboriginal. The impact on writing meant that many of the social connections on which writing was dependent were severed (Van Toorn, 1999).
In relation to official publications credit for the first Aboriginal newspaper in Australia is given to The Aboriginal or Flinders Island Chronicle published from September 1836 to December 1837 and sold for two pence a copy (Rose, 1996). The paper, the work of three Aboriginal clerks, was overseen by the Commandant of the Aboriginal settlement on Flinders Island, G.A. Robinson who it is assumed exerted considerable influence over the content of the newspaper. Nevertheless the paper provides an insight into daily life for the Indigenous inhabitants of the settlement.
Abo Call is the next Indigenous publication of which there is a clear record (Rose, 1996). Abo Call published by the Aboriginal Progressive Association (APA) produced six editions between April and September 1938. The APA was founded to promote justice for the Aboriginal people of New South Wales and fight for rights to full citizenship. Abo Call highlighted past atrocities, "we have definite evidence …that the blacks were shot down and poisoned like dingoes. Why are white people such hypocrites to deny that they have treated us so badly?" (Abo Call, April 1938, cited in Rose, 1996) – to current concerns "these reserves are like slums out in the bush" (Abo Call, May 1938 cited in Rose, 1996).
In a similar manner to which white constitutional structures worked to curtail Aboriginal writing through the Aboriginal Protection Act 1886, the Newspapers Act of 1898 almost resulted in the immediate closure of Abo Call. The Act called for a 300 pound payment, a payment which the APA could not make. Assistance came from a white based agency – The Publicist Publishing Company – which paid the fee. Nevertheless Abo Call ceased publication in September 1938 due to "financial loss, owing to the difficulty of distributing the paper among Aborigines and the public" (Abo Call, September 1938 cited in Rose, 1996).
Land Rights News commenced in 1976 and is credited with being the longest running Indigenous newspaper in Australia (Community Broadcasting online). The paper’s mandate is to clearly provide coverage and analysis of land rights issues and legislation, and survives primarily on funding from the Land Councils and subscriptions (Rose, 1996).
Two national Indigenous papers, the Koori Mail and the National Indigenous Times, are currently published fortnightly in Australia (other publications are limited to their local communities and surrounds). The Koori Mail published its first edition on May 23, 1991 and was the first Indigenous newspaper to provide coverage of Aboriginal concerns around the country, achieve a national distribution and be viable commercially (Rose, 1996). Owen Carriage, a Koori who grew up on a reserve, established the paper with the vision of it being an unbiased and non-political paper. Early editions note the philosophy of the paper as being to give Aboriginal people a voice to express themselves.
The Koori Mail experienced financial difficulty soon after its inception. A grant from ATSIC in 1992 allowed a group of five Aboriginal communities in New South Wales to take over the paper, although 20% was still owned by the white-owned Northern Star. It wasn’t until late 1994 that a business loan from ATSIC enabled the five communities to buy out the Star, making Koori Mail 100% Aboriginal owned.
The NIT commenced publication in February 2002. Owen Carriage also founded the NIT. The NIT is published fortnightly with its editorial philosophy "that black and white Australians can and should work together towards a common goal" (NIT, 28 May 2003). The top front page banner carried on each edition is "Helping to build a bridge between Australia’s Black and White Communities".
Examination of the Koori Mail and the NIT for 2003 indicates slightly different approaches to political matters. The NIT are consistently critical of ATSIC Chairman Geoff Clark (i.e. editorial "No one man is greater that the Indigenous cause", NIT 2 April, 2003) whilst the Koori Mail refrains from editorialising on Clark.
An area of contention between the two Indigenous papers is the question of ownership of the NIT. Owen Carriage, in an open letter to the Koori Mail, asserted that he no longer had any interest – financial or otherwise – in the NIT and queried the NIT’s claim that it had both black and white owners. The Koori Mail have continued to question NIT on its ownership, emphasising the fact that they themselves are 100% Aboriginal owned and asking NIT to be open regarding their own ownership arguing that it is misleading to the Indigenous public to proclaim black ownership if there is none. The NIT for their part, argue that the Koori Mail are trying to drive them out of the market place.
Regardless of this current argument Indigenous print media, despite its often ignored state, presents as having long been a source of Aboriginal expression. The enduring strength of the national Koori Mail and the emergence of NIT on the market indicate that indigenous print journalism will continue to survive and flourish.

BROADCAST MEDIA
Radio is the most highly developed sector of Indigenous media for a number of reasons. It is relatively cheap to establish, operating costs are low, its informal content and tone appeal to Indigenous communities, and it is dependent on the spoken rather than the written word (ATSIC Report, 1999; Community Broadcasting online).
Indigenous radio primarily emerged in the 1980s, most significantly in response to concerns raised by remote Indigenous communities at the 1985 launch of Australian satellite, AUSSAT. Prior to AUSSAT however the first Indigenous radio station acknowledged was Radio 8KIN in Alice Springs in 1980, an initiative of the Central Aboriginal Media Association (CAAMA). The goal of AUSSAT was to extend television broadcasting into remote communities as well as to provide telephone and emergency services. The fear attached to AUSSAT was that this new media technology would negatively impact on Indigenous languages and culture (Meadows and Morris, 1998). Resources were therefore requested which would allow Indigenous communities to broadcast their own locally produced radio and video material, and control what was being broadcast into their communities (Wyatt, 1996).
The Broadcasting for Remote Aboriginal Communities Scheme (BRACS) was introduced by the Federal Government in 1987 in response to these concerns, with the concept being to provide Indigenous people with "access to and control of their own media at a community level (Wyatt, 1996). The scheme of implementation finished in 1991 and in 1992, 80 plus BRACS stations were licensed as community broadcasters (Hartley and McKee, 2000).
The first national Indigenous current affairs radio program, Speaking Out, commenced on radio on 1 July 1990 on all ABC metropolitan and regional stations across Australia (Community Broadcasting online). This radio program continues to run weekly on a Sunday evening. Although it is on the national broadcaster, the program is promoted as being entirely produced by Aboriginal people and about Aboriginal issues.
ATSIC also produce a weekly Indigenous current affairs program which is broadcast on over 60 Indigenous and community radio stations across Australia (ATSIC online).
The expansive nature of Indigenous radio is further highlighted by the Australian Government Directory which lists additional radio stations including Brisbane’s 4AAA Murri Country, Radio Goolarri in Broome, Gadigal Koori Radio in New South Wales, Teabba Radio, Northern Territory, and Wangki Yupurnanapurra Radio Station Fitzroy Crossing. Indigenous radio indeed appears to be a thriving media sector providing Indigenous people both with valuable media training and a voice to issues and concerns.
Indigenous television commenced even later than radio. Imparja T.V. was the first Aboriginal station to receive a television licence in Australia in 1987 (Community Broadcasting online). Imparja’s website provides an account of the station’s achievements and history. On 2 Jan 1988 Imparja telecast their first test program providing Alice Springs with vision of the Australia verse Sri Lanka test cricket game. In 1989 Imparja’s production of a local weather report signified the first step towards commencement of Imparja News. A 15 minute insert of local news was first broadcast in 1990.
Imparja produced its first program in 1994 "Yamba’s Playtime" a daily children’s program aimed at entertaining and education. In 1995 Imparja was awarded Telstra’s Indigenous Business Award for business of the year. Imparja have an employment policy encouraging the employment of Indigenous people and in 1998 placed their ration of Aboriginal staff at 50% and growing.
SBS (Special Broadcasting Service), as Australia’s multicultural station, provides programs for the indigenous community. ICAM (Indigenous Cultural Affairs Magazine) commenced in 1996. ICAM reporter, Julie Nimmo, won the 2002 Walkley award for Best Coverage of Indigenous Affairs for her story "No Fixed Address" which featured on ICAM (SBS, 2002). "No Fixed Address" explored the difficulties faced by Redfern’s homeless youth and the relationship between their homelessness and abuse at home. SBS note the Nimmo is the first Indigenous person to receive this award (the Walkley award for Indigenous Affairs reporting was first awarded in 1997).
SBS have an Indigenous Programs Unit, headed by Karla Grant and a new program Living Black, on which all staff are Indigenous, but for one.
ATSIC television began in 1994 and produces both broadcast programs and corporate videos on Indigenous issues – ranging from sport, to culture to self determination.
Indigenous journalists are also evident on mainstream commercial television. One such prominent figure being Stan Grant, host at one stage of Channel 7’s Today Tonight. The presence of an Aboriginal presenter on commercial television does not necessarily provide the opportunity for Indigenous issues to be explored in greater detail, as Grant says, he was reminded of "many, many times" (The Media Report, 14/12/00). In relation to a report on the stolen generations, Grant says he was accused of having gone "a little bit too close to the bone … using the program as a soapbox".
Indigenous print and broadcast media is certainly apparent in Australian society. ATSIC (Report, 1999) recognise the existing and potential power of this medium and identify Indigenous media as having two distinct but "mutually reinforcing roles". The first role being to disseminate information to their own communities and the second being to actively inform and educate Australians about each other. Meadows (2000) also acknowledges the role of indigenous media in providing a "cultural bridge" by filling the gaps left by mainstream media. Meadows (2000) argues however that this should not be a primary role of Indigenous media and that mainstream media should accept the responsibility of properly informing and educating, allowing Indigenous media to perform its primary role in communicating with its own communities and thus enhancing the ongoing existence of Indigenous languages and cultures.
THE FUTURE
Mainstream media’s typically stereotyped portrayals of Indigenous people and issues certainly is of concern. However of positive note is the ATSIC Report (1999) and Hartley and McKee’s (2000) finding that the problems are systemic rather than individually based. Identifying the nature of the problem – society’s news values, editorial policies, commercial pressures – gives a starting point for addressing these practices. Hartley and McKee (1996, 2000) are pivotal to this work through their involvement with the Telling Both Stories Media Forum Series and identification of training strategies for journalists. Heightened sensitivity of media working with Indigenous people is also evident on the ABC website message stick where considerable literature is devoted to cultural protocols.
For Indigenous media itself the future seems positive with Indigenous media production the faster growing in Australia (Meadows and Morris, 1998). Reflecting on the past, the Indigenous peoples adaption to new means of communication, from writing (Van Toorn, 1999) through to the Walpari people’s adaption to radio and video recording (Hinkson, 2002), identifies a people which in many ways, in terms of media, have embraced the challenges thrown at them by white society. This adaption has been despite concerns expressed regarding the impact on cultural and tribal relationships of new media technologies (Hinkson, 2002).
The way forward may eventually involve an Indigenous broadcasting station in much the same frame as the ABC and SBS. ATSIC have commissioned a feasibility study into the development of a National Indigenous Broadcasting Service (for radio and television) by 2005 (Meadows, 2000).
In the meantime, despite the fast growing Indigenous media sector, the focus still remains on mainstream media to present Indigenous stories in context, with Aborigines as the authorative voice, keeping in mind the diversity in languages and cultures and paying heed to cultural protocols. In this way mainstream media can establish a balanced portrayal of Indigenous issues, and work together with Indigenous media towards potentially being a force for progressive social change in race relations in Australian society.
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Author contact: ajcaulfield@students.latrobe.edu.au