Media essays

Neos Kosmos and the Ethnic Press in Australia

By David Hennessy

(feature -- 2004)

A little paper with a big voice

Neos Kosmos distributes less than 35,000 papers nationally only two times a week. Yet, this little newspaper is considered to be the most influential Greek language publication in Australia. David Hennessy examines the current state of Australia's Ethnic Press to find out why.

Just down the road from the Italian language press complex on Nicholson Street in Melbourne's North Fitzroy is the home of Neos Kosmos (NK), the largest circulation Greek language newspaper in Australia.
NK's offices are on the first floor above the small lobby of an inauspicious red-brick building. Unlike the massive billboards announcing the presence of their Italian counterparts a few doors down, the only signage for NK is a little white label above the door buzzer. Outside, the average punter walking by would never know he just passed 'the voice of the Greek community.'
Success in the ethnic media has nothing to do with size or physical prominence. NK has remained in circulation while many other newspapers have failed because of their ability to adapt to social and political changes within their community.
Now nearly 50 years old, NK reflects the evolving needs and expectations of their readers. The publication was among the first ethnic news titles to include an English section, distributed free in each Monday edition. Neos Kosmos Online is updated twice weekly and has both an English and a Greek version. Their innovative moderator reviewed discussion forum, also bi-lingual, helps to maintain a direct link between the Greek community and the paper.
According to NK editor, Argyris Argyropoulos, NK's primary operating ideologies are “information, the advancement of Greek Australian affairs, maintaining a link with the happenings from Greece and to document, report and evaluate the life and culture of Australia's Greek community. NK's main function revolves around providing a Greek language source of news and current affairs to a primarily non-English speaking audience.”

The story so far, past research on the Ethnic Press
Australia's ethnic press has historically been under valued in its contribution to Australian society at a national and community level. The 1967 Commonwealth Immigration Advisory Council saw the “neglected press” as merely a place for enabling migrants to “air their grievances.” (Tenezakis, 1984: p. 16)
For the most part, government studies on the ethnic press have been designed to discover better ways for using foreign language publications to inform the public. Miscommunication between government bodies and ethnic press editors continue to occur due to a lack of cultural awareness and poor document translation.
Research on the roles of the Australian ethnic media and on the needs of their readership has been infrequent and relatively superficial. Pre-determined perceptions on the information needs of new immigrants and data misinterpretations flawed the results of one survey. The overall determination in the study was that immigrants lacked the education level necessary to use the printed material effectively. Because of high levels of illiteracy, television and radio were better sources of information for ethnic groups (Scott, 1980).
Another, rather exceptional, study examined Arab and Greek newspapers in Sydney. The research produced useful and very in-depth information on two of Sydney's larger ethnic communities but is now 22 years out of date. The study tested the theory that content quality of the ethnic press was the major factor for low readership. (Tenezakis, 1984)
A 1991 survey into the financial and social agendas of the ethnic press is the most recent, broadly ranged study on this subject but is also rapidly losing its accountability against the passing of time. The study found a lack of controversial editorial comment and hard news items and a need for more specialised, professionally trained journalists. Ethnic papers were more similar to social magazines with general interest topics than to a classic newspaper. (Bell, 1991)

Filling the gap, Australia's ethnic media
In terms of operation, the ethnic press is no different from any other form of media in Australia. Every newspaper must supply information on current events and depict issues that are important to the dominating culture. A publication, especially a community paper, creates a sense of identity among its readership and helps to define and re-enforce common values.
However, in terms of reader usage, the ethnic press must fulfil a set of requirements that no other form of media is capable of achieving. A successful ethnic publication must serve the unique triple purpose of interpreting and translating the views and issues of mainstream culture, supporting their ethnic community as its public voice, and preserving the community's culture and history.
Today, over three million Australian-born individuals claim non-English speaking heritage. Four million people living in Australia were born in a foreign language country. Almost three million Australians speak a language other than English and an average of 15,000 new immigrants arrive every year unable to communicate in English at all. (VOMA, 2003)
The ethnic press is “very important for those communities, and they do in fact provide information that comforts, that supports, that explains a lot of things that people are curious about. The kind of news they get in the English language press doesn't really connect with their own histories and their own understandings of the world,” says Professor Mary Kalantzis, Dean of the Faculty of Education at RMIT. Ethnic papers interpret news and issues for their audience “and there is comfort in the logic that's presented to them.” (ABC, 1999)
Australia's ethnic media has grown from a few independent handwritten foreign language flyers at the turn of the 20th Century to consist of over 150 newspapers, and various radio and television programs. Some 60 different foreign language communities, a total core audience of around four million, access various forms of the ethnic media on a daily basis. Through their respective news publications, ethnic communities around Australia are able to promote their unique culture, to create their own sense of identity and to vocalise their thoughts on the goings on of the world in which they live. (Leba, 2004)

Comparing apples to oranges, the local press versus the ethnic press
Much research has been done on the role and importance of the community and rural press among mainstream Australian audiences. The ethnic press matches every purpose that any English language publication provides in uniting a community but with the very unique difference of doing this all in a foreign language. Therefore, the findings and criticisms outlined in research on the mainstream media can be applied to any assessments of the ethnic press.
The local and rural press are often criticised as being a forum for the views of the local elite; that regional papers rely on civic leaders for news and views. (Bedford, 2002) It is an obvious point to make that all papers are influenced by some social elite. Wether that person is the local politician, the Prime Minister or Kerry Packer. For the ethnic press, their 'local elite' are the community they represent. The pages of NK are filled with stories on the successes of Greeks and Greek-Australians. Often, articles written by members of the community are featured in the paper.

“Neos Kosmos supports and projects its interpretation of cultural life within the Greek community to the community. It has backed and still backs all forms of cultural expression and creation from members of the community willing to contribute. Most importantly it has provided, and still does, a platform for dialogue and interaction,” says Argyropoulos.
Financial constraints force many small publications to rely heavily on imported or re-printed content from other news sources to fill their pages. Because of this the local press appears to fail in a newspaper's primary role of providing new information. Ethnic papers on the other hand, consider themselves to be media filters. News content is often a 'summing up' of current events and issues printed in the readers' language. According to Argyropoulos, “all media must rely on other media sources. It's impossible to be everywhere at the same time.”
Some publications are still too small to employ investigative or research journalists. Their minimal staffs of writers are more often translators rather than reporters. However, NK employs 12 writers and has a pool of regular free-lance contributors. “Its layout,” says Argyropoulos, “has evolved since employing more staff and the newspaper has the freedom to source more of its own stories.” The paper is among the growing number of ethnic publications that create their own content on a regular basis.
As does the local press, ethnic papers strive to remain responsible and accountable in how they report for their community. The larger ethnic papers, especially, must be careful and considerate in writing on culturally sensitive issues. NK, as Australia's largest circulation Greek publication, has a local, national and even global audience. Maintaining a positive image of the Greek community is crucial for the long-term health of the community and the paper alike.
Careful reporting does not necessarily indicate conservatism, however. Claims that “clearly there are grounds for regarding the rural press as one of the props for the conservatism it mirrors” (Ward, 1985: p. 208) have been shown to be an inaccurate generalisation in many country papers. Many small town editors feel that their paper provides an open discussion forum for the community, and their readers have proven their progressive and activist views through its use. (Bedford, 20002). The ethnic press is no different.
NK, in particular, is well known for its progressive left wing stance in support of migrants and workers. “New World,” as NK's title means in English originally began in 1955 as “Afstroloellinas” (The Greek Australian) before it was purchased and renamed two years later. The new owners, affiliated with the Greek Communists and trade unionists, designed the paper to reflect the mood of the wider Greek-Australian community.
Careful attention must be taken here to note that 'communism' according to NK was not of the same type as that in the Soviet Republic. The progressive views of building strength among the community through social welfare and democratic equality are the values of 'communism' that NK continues to reflect.
While NK is responsible in its depiction of the Greek community, the paper does not shy away from controversy. A critical turning point and a defining moment in NK's history was their public denouncement of the 1968 Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia. At the same time, NK openly distanced itself from the stance of the Australian Communist party and eventually succeeded in breaking away from Communist affiliation ten years later. In the early 90's the Greek Orthodox Church moved to impose its major political and social influence in the Greek community, NK criticised the Church and championed the cause of the minority religious groups. (Kouris, 1998. p. 213)
Unlike many rural and local communities, ethnic groups have more than one publication to choose from. Numerous publications in the same language help to augment the community's voice and to strengthen the ethnic press industry. Foreign language readers are allowed the luxury of selecting the community 'voice' that best suits their opinion.
In Victoria, 'Ta Nea” is NK's main competitor. The publication is a new addition to the Greek press and its primary focus is on providing global and national Greek-related news. Circulation numbers prove that NK's Melbourne-centric views are the most popular among Victoria's Greeks, but Argyropoulos does not see the ethnic press as a competition, “on my behalf all voices are welcome.”

Playing in the big leagues, the ethnic press at the national level
At local level all ethnic publications of the same language group are unified in promoting
their community's common goals, beliefs and values. Nationally, however, ethnic publications of the same language can become rivals.
Ethnic publications are a specialised information group often used for expert opinion and as a source for alternative views on social and political issues. “Neos Kosmos is often referred to by mainstream media when it comes to sourcing items relevant to the community or Greek issues,” says Argyropoulos. “It is broadly known as the 'voice' of the Greek community of Australia and is seen as the definitive source of Greek issues in this country.”
In the same way that The Age and Herald-Sun Newspapers are pitted against each other in a competition to be the premier voice of Victoria, so to are NK and Ta Nea. Mainstream media publications put preference upon the most popular ethnic title when selecting a source for ethnic views. The chosen ethnic paper is then able to develop a solid relationship of information trading and cross-promotion with a large media group.
Sometimes ethnic publications can affect the political environment more than the rest of Australia's media as a whole. Government departments have come to depend on specialist ethnic publications to change or design multicultural affairs policies. Editor of Italian paper 'Il Globo,' Nino Randazzo says, “we have urged readers to vote in a certain way according to the issues of the moment. We have taken a political stand. We influence public opinion among the readers that we reach as much as other English language media do.” (ABC, 1999)
The improving reputation and freedoms that foreign language publications enjoy within the mainstream media shows that Australia's ethnic press has come a long way in just 50 years. From the late 1800's to 1964, the Department of Immigration limited the publication numbers and placed heavy restrictions on content. Only one paper per language group was allowed and an English translation had to be printed along side each story.
Government officials monitored the papers in fear of subversive comment or any content that may incite anti-social behaviour. “They wanted people to assimilate, and they thought that if they had access to their own language, then they wouldn't assimilate as quickly as they should. So there was the paranoia about what might be in them,” says Kalantzis. (ABC, 1999)
Press sanctions were lifted when the ethnic press was proven to assist cultural assimilation. According to Kalantzis, “these newspapers were very useful in helping people become good citizens.” The government saw that ethnic publications “weren't actually doing anything that was harmful, and in fact were providing advice and services and information.” (ABC, 1999)
Now, in comparison to the past, ethnic publications enjoy almost absolute freedom of press and opinion. While mainstream media faces constant scrutiny from the public, other media groups and government departments, the ethnic press often fly's under the censors' radar. For NK however, loosened restrictions do not allow a 'free for all' for publishing controversy or anti-government ideas.
“Suffice it to say of freedom of the press; outside interests and inside interests do often 'dictate' (for lack of a better term) editorial content to a minimal degree. Can we have freedom in the press when it is 'owned' by private enterprises who, while 'idealistic' to a certain degree, view it as a business?” says Argyropoulos.

The cosmos of Neos Kosmos, NK and its community
NK's considerable clout in the ethnic media is in many ways a result of the Greek community itself. Melbourne is home to the third largest population of Greeks in the world, around 125, 000. Only Athens and Thessaloniki have a larger population and those cities are in the country of Greece itself. The total Greek-Australian population is 492,134 the fourth largest ethnic group in the country. Among those, 375,703 were born in Australia and 263,717 speak Greek at home.
Political and social activism is part of the Greek ideology. Greeks around the world have a proud history of creating social change and political engagement. Australians today may be unaware that their night's out shopping and buying drinks at restaurants were once only a list of demands on a petition. Melbourne's Greeks spearheaded the actions to allow evening retail trade and liquor license reforms. (Kouris, 1998: pp. 110-140)
An active community and readership can place considerable demands on an ethnic publication. In the lead up to the Athens 2004 Olympic Games, NK has been filled with letters and articles contradicting negative mainstream views. NK, says Argyropoulos, “has found itself sometimes trying to maintain a realistic balance between all 'involved' parties. Recent 'bad press' concerning the Games and 'travel warnings' were a source of contention between Australia, Greek Australians and the Greek Media.”
“Neos Kosmos' readership consists mainly of the 'migrant generation' who view the paper as part of their 'cultural capital,' says Argyropoulos. Because of their direct contact with their own language medium, communities often expect direct control of the paper's views and content. Along with meeting the demands of the readership, the paper must meet the expectations of its owner and the personal goals of the editor. In addition, for a large paper especially, the paper must consider the opinion of the general public and of the country from where the community has its origins.

Adaptation, the future of NK and the ethnic press
The future of the ethnic press in Australia relies solely on the future of the ethnic community. As every new year passes, more immigrants into Australia are already capable of communicating in English. The once primary role of ethnic papers, that of translating and interpreting a new culture, is becoming less important. Argyropoulos notes that, “today's 'ethnic' press may not play the role it once did in assisting migrants with social integration and issues of importance relevant to their personal rights.”
Australia's ethnic community is changing rapidly. Previously underdeveloped and newly established immigrant communities, such as those from many Middle Eastern and African countries, have grown into independent Australianised ethnic communities. While older ethnic communities, such as the Italian and Greeks, continue to redefine and re-create a new sense of culture and identity as citizens of an Australian-Greek society.
Rogie Pe-Pua, a statistical analyst of non-English newspapers for the Centre for Multicultural Studies at Wollongong University, sees a different future for the ethnic press. “The thing about people eventually becoming Australianised is something of a myth. It is something of an ideal. We know that everyone wants that to happen. In reality there is a certain level where you do become Australianised but as a migrant you still retain a lot of the ethnic heritage, a lot of the ethnic culture.
“I guess that's because of the history of this country where multiculturalism has prospered and people are encouraged or allowed to retain their ethnic culture. We can see that this is one basis for believing that ethnic press will continue to be there. It is very strongly targeting recent migrants, but as they become more Australianised, they will turn to the ethnic press as a source of information and as a source of news about the local ethnic community,” says Pe-Pua. (ABC, 1999)
Argyropoulos is predicting a change developing among NK readers, “I have the impression that the English lift out may have a brighter future with the next generations of Australian Greeks. At least for those who are willing to maintain a balance between their cultural and historical realities and their current lives as they evolve in a 'hybrid' Australian existence.”
“NK English Edition (NKEE) first appeared in the mid-eighties,” says Argyropoulos, “NK recognises that its future lies in publishing in the English language. The publication considers that if the 'ethnic' press is to survive in this country it ought to publish in the dominant language.”
NK's original readership of native Greeks in Australia is slowly dying and a new generation of Australian-born Greeks are coming of age. While some young Greeks learn and develop their bi-lingual skills, some youths have grown up with a minimal sense of their parents' culture and knowledge of their native language.
Il Globo editor, Nino Randazzo, has not introduced an English edition to the Italian paper. He reasons that printing in English will only estrange a loyal readership who uses the ethnic press for learning. “Today we have around (I've lost count) 45,000 students of Italian at the secondary and tertiary level throughout Australia. They are the type of people who need to keep in touch with the language, which is of course a living language, it evolves continuously, and in order to do this they have to read Italian-language publications.”
Randazzo sees a lack of young readers as a problem that is too big for the ethnic press to solve. “Well the point is this: I don't think anyone has found any formula to get young readers. The major Australian language newspapers have not found a formula and if they have not found it, with all the resources they have, I don't know what chances a foreign language newspaper in this country would have.
“Feedback is mixed,” says Argyropoulos on the NK reader's opinion of the English edition. “I understand the community considers the publication as a platform to raise its voice and shows considerable interest in affairs concerning achievement amongst the Greek community.”

NK does not plan to print completely in English in the future. Argyropoulos asserts that “NKEE's primary focus is to tend to issues and concerns held by those of Greek parentage. It attempts to maintain a portion of balance between mainstream publications and affairs relating to Australian Greeks.
“Speaking for NKEE,” says Argyropoulos, “I'd like to see it as the voice which may describe a new discourse for next generations of Australian Greeks. While the past provides interesting insight and historical footing, what interests me more is the future direction and essence of a community which strives to balance its 'identities' with that of the global perception of individuality and moral and community integrity. Australian Greeks are unique in their form and structure, which changes from year to year, culturally, idealistically, socially and economically.
“It's these changes that concern me more. The future path of a waning Australian Greek duality is intriguing.”

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Interviews, personal and by correspondence:
Mr. Argyris Argyropoulos, Editor of Neos Kosmos English Edition. May 1 to 29, 2004
Neos Kosmos Greek Newspaper (http://www.neoskosmos.com.au)
Cited sources
-- ABC (1999). “Australia's Non-English Press,” The Media Report. May 6. Transcript online at http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/mediarpt/mstories/mr990506.htm. (Accessed June 10, 2004)
-- Bedford, Kathy (2002) “Regional Press and Community: The Ballarat Courier,” Guidomedia.com: An Australian Publishing Resource, http://www.guidomedia.com/kathybedford.html (accessed March 25, 2004).
-- Bell, P., et al. (1991) “Different Agenda: The Economic and Social Aspects of the Ethnic Press in Australia,” Working Papers on Multiculturalism, No. 8. Wollongong: University of Wollongong.
-- Kouris, A. (1998) Migrant: ”The blessing …and misfortune ..of loving two Countries!” The Modern-day Odyssey of the Diaspora Greek, Melbourne: Greek Press Pty Ltd.
-- Leba (2004) Leba Ethnic Media, online http://www.leba.com.au. (Accessed June 20, 2004)
-- Scott, WD. & Co. (1980) Survey into the Information Needs of Migrants in Australia: Final Report, Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service.
-- Tenezakis, M. (1984) The Neglected Press: A study of Arab and Greek newspapers and their Sydney publics. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service.
-- VOMA - Victorian Office of Multicultural Affairs (2003) The People of Victoria: Statistics from the 2001 Census. Victoria: Department for Victorian Communities.

Reading List
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-- Cottle, S. ed. (2003) News, Public Relations and Power, London: Sage Publications.
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-- Lauterer, Jock. (2000) Community Journalism: The Personal Approach, Iowa: Iowa University Press.
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-- Schultz, Loralie. (2003) “More than a local rag - the social role of rural newspapers” Guidomedia.com: An Australian Publishing Resource, http://www.guidomedia.com/kathybedford.html (accessed March 25, 2004).
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-- Thomas, John. (1987) "Suburban Media Ownership," Media Information Australia 45. pp 44-45.
-- Tenezakis, M. (1982) The Content of Three Sydney-Based Ethnic Newspapers: A pilot study commissioned by the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs. Sydney: Macquarie University.
-- Ward, Ian. (1985) "The Country Press and Rural Conservatism." Essays on Victorian Politics. Ed. PR Hay. Warrnambool: Warrnambool Institute Press. pp. 199-210.
-- Wild, R. (1983) "Communication, Power and the Country Press." Regional Journal of Social Issues 12. pp. 1-7.

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