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Media
essays
Defamation: the high price of freee speech
To what extent do
Australia's complex defamation laws pervade journalism and news production
in the mainstream Australian Press? Julia Cameron looks at two examples
of Australian journalism from the big dailies and the impact and effect
of the law of defamation
(2004)
Case 1: ALBRECHTSEN
VS. O'SHANE: THE $220,000 OPINION
In 1999, the Sydney Morning Herald published an opinion piece by
freelance columnist Janet Albrechtsen, headlined, Extreme Views
from the Bench, in which she claimed that NSW Aboriginal magistrate
Pat O'Shane was 'often angry at what she perceives as injustices in our
society'. Among other inferences, Albrechtsen asserted that 'it is not
at all clear that her [O'Shane's] decisions do anything other than undermine
the judicial system as a whole'. In essence, the article implied that
O'Shane used her position of considerable influence to impose her extreme
views and her anger concerning, primarily, women and the Aboriginal population,
on the community. O'Shane sued SMH's publisher Fairfax in the NSW Supreme
Court for damages in a defamation lawsuit and in March 2004, she was awarded
$220,000. A jury of three women and one man found that the article implied
the magistrate was biased, incompetent, and brought anger and bitterness
to her role.
Case 2: RULE VS.
CLARK: AWARD-WINNING INVESTIGATION
In 2001, The Age journalist Andrew Rule embarked on a three month
long investigation into claims the then Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Commission Chairman Geoff Clark had raped four different women and attempted
to rape another during the 1970s and '80s. Of the four women, one allegation
had lacked evidence to stand up in court, two did not get further than
a failed police investigation, and one had never been reported. Rule dedicated
three months to the investigation, and The Age flew Kate Healy,
the woman whose claim had never been reported, to Melbourne where she
underwent two hours of mock questioning from a criminal barrister, to
ensure that her version of events could not be swayed. Post publication,
The Age was both applauded and condemned for its decision to publish
the story. It was hailed as a 'trial by media,' by some and praised for
the high calibre of investigative journalism by others. In 2003, Rule
won a Gold Walkley Award, an esteemed journalistic industry award, for
the article. At the time, Geoff Clark stated that he would not sue for
defamation, and to date has not instituted proceedings against The Age
and Fairfax.
The impression one
gets from Andrew Rule, Gold Walkley Award winning journalist and author
of the damning Geoff Clark: Power and Rape investigation, is that
it could have been worse. Graver allegations were dropped from the
story, he says of the front-page scandal published by The Age
in 2001. The preceding three-month long investigation that Rule undertook
had culminated in four separate rape allegations against the then Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander Commission Chairman, Geoff Clark. Even
photographs on file that unavoidably made Clark look like a thug were
not used, in favour of 'neutral' pictures, says Rule. What stopped
it from being any worse for Clark was arguably the role of the law of
defamation, the guardian of the reputations of the rich and famous and
the enemy of the publishing game.
In 1999, freelance columnist Janet Albrechtsen contributed an opinion
piece to the Sydney Morning Herald¸ as she often did. On
the Opinion page in which the piece appeared, was the headline: Pat
O'Shane is a magistrate who makes headlines: here are two opposing views
on the latest controversy. On this occasion, Albrechtsen offered a
critical opinion of O'Shane to SMH, alongside the opinion of David Dixon,
a law academic at the University of NSW, who was more supportive of O'Shane.
Albrechtsen, by reputation, is an unapologetic right-wing columnist, and
often controversial in her views. Her article accused Pat O'Shane of 'often'
bringing anger and bitterness to her role as a magistrate, and of using
her position of considerable influence to further her diatribe.
Prior to the publication of Albrechtsen's article, the piece was carefully
checked by SMH's in-house lawyers and much discussion took place as to
how certain issues should be phrased. Albrechtsen and the opinion editor
John Marsh were aware of the risk they were taking in publishing a piece
that questioned to such an extent the professional ability of O'Shane,
but they expected that the 'balanced' context in which the piece appeared,
in publishing each side of the debate, would protect them from a litigious
response. Pat O'Shane didn't appreciate that this amounted to balance
and, earlier this year, the NSW Supreme Court found that Albrechtsen's
article did in fact defame O'Shane on three separate points, and ordered
Fairfax, SMH's publisher, to pay O'Shane $220,000 in damages.
The Age, and Andrew Rule, was spared the cost, time, and considerable
resources it would have taken to defend their story in court against a
defamation lawsuit. It was ready, however, if Clark had decided to proceed
with a defamation case. Michael Gawenda, editor of The Age¸
says that although the possibility of Clark suing was discussed in depth,
we had no real instinct about whether he would or not. They
were confident, however, that they could rely on the truth of the story.
In fact, in the days following the publication of the article, The Age
even challenged Clark to sue for defamation, an offer Clark declined to
take up. Instead, Clark issued a statement saying that he had decided
against initiating defamation proceedings as it would involve a costly
'legal war of attrition', and that he would complain to the Press Council.
He claimed he did not want his family and community to be torn apart by
what he anticipated would be an ongoing newspaper trial. For Clark, pursuing
a defamation action was simply not going to be worth the trouble.
STATE OF PLAY
Australia's publishing industry is vulnerable to some of the strictest
defamation laws in the world. Any editor or publisher in Australia will
tell you of the disaster state of our defamation laws. Editors and journalists
alike bemoan the fact that there is no national defamation law, instead,
there are eight different state and territorial variations. What this
means is that material that may be defamatory in Victoria may not be defamatory
in Western Australia, and vice versa. In light of the fact that Australia's
major daily newspapers are not restricted to distribution and circulation
in the state in which they are published, this causes massive confusion
and headache for editors, lawyers, corporations and plaintiffs alike.
For a publication such as The Australian, which is widely read by members
of all Australian states and territories, this is even more the case.
The lack of certainty about which set of laws apply and to whom can sometimes
gives plaintiffs the opportunity to go 'forum shopping' for the most appropriate
jurisdiction in which to bring their action, so as to ensure the best
chance of a favorable outcome. In fact, many see the system as considerably
skewed in favour of plaintiffs, and the success rate of publishers' at
trial, 32 per cent, is testament to this theory.
So, how much is a reputation worth in Australia? Less than $50,000, says
Patrick George, a partner in law firm Minter Ellison. In 2003, George
conducted a survey of almost 300 verdicts delivered in Australian courts
between 1977 and 2002 and found that the typical winner of an Australian
defamation case is a businessman who a newspaper claims has misused his
position. He will most likely sue in NSW and his efforts, if he is successful,
will net him less than $50,000 in damages.
It has been said that Australia, in particular Sydney, is the defamation
capital of the world. For every verdict in any other state and territory,
there were approximately four verdicts in NSW, says George. NSW
accounted for 46 per cent of all defamation verdicts in Australia. While
Victoria provided only 9 percent of verdicts, this is because a plaintiff
suing The Age would bring their case in the NSW courts, as Fairfax's legal
home is Sydney.
The survey revealed that, of all media, newspapers had a 62 per cent chance
of being sued. Criminality, dishonesty and misuse of position accounted
for 80 per cent of defamatory imputations, and businessmen and companies,
lawyers, pubic servants and politicians were the most likely to sue.
DEFAMATION IN THEORY AND PRACTICE
One of the original theorists on defamation laws, American jurist Robert
Post, sought to assert that the law of defamation could only be understood
if one's reputation was seen as a form of intangible property. Reputation,
he believed, was an inherent and integral part of individual identity.
Post saw defamation laws, therefore, as governing the 'rules of civility',
which he believed developed and maintained one's personal identity. These
rules operate to distinguish members of society from non-members and thus
defamation law enforces society's interest in setting boundaries for what
is appropriate and what is not for that society.
In Australia's vigorous defamation climate, an action in defamation seeks
to protect a person's reputation from a defamatory communication. To be
defamatory, the communication must bring the plaintiff into hatred, contempt,
or ridicule, or must be likely to cause the ordinary reasonable person
to think less of, to shun, or to avoid the plaintiff. A defamatory communication
can be made in relation to someone's private character, or to his or her
reputation in trade or profession, and it must be communicated to a third
party. The context of the defamatory statement is important, as is the
audience to which it is communicated. A joke will not always be defamatory,
and if it is suitably outrageous enough, and generally understood to be
so, it probably will not be defamatory. A finding that you have been defamed
will not depend on the meaning intended by defamer, but rather the meaning
the reasonable reader would attach to it.
In Victoria, South Australia and Western Australia, 'libel' is used to
describe an oral defamatory communication, while 'slander' represents
written defamatory material. The defences available to publishers are
Truth, which is a complete defence to a defamation action in most states,
Absolute Privilege, which makes certain forums exempt, Qualified Privilege,
which centers around the notion of the Public Interest, and Fair Comment.
Janet Albrechtsen, who is also a lawyer, had hoped to come out of her
time in the NSW court a small-time expert on NSW's defamation laws, but
found she was unrealistic in her expectations.
Unfortunately the laws are so complicated that did not happen. And
that's the problem with our defamation laws, she says, They
are incredibly complex.
In March, Federal Attorney-General Phillip Ruddock released an outline
for a possible national defamation law that would simplify what he calls
a "patchwork of common law and state and territory statutes".
While many acknowledge the need for reform and simplification of Australia's
defamation laws, Ruddock's proposal has left many in the media industry
wary. Some of the characteristics of the proposal include the watering
down of some of the defences that can be relied upon by publishers in
a defamation action. While some have simply said it would be better option
to enshrine free speech into our Constitution, as the US does, the Council
for Civil Liberties has downplayed concerns that it would inhibit media
freedom.
Council President, Terry Gorman, is supportive of the proposal, and says,
The media is likely to cry wolf as it always does when there are
defamation reforms on the table, but the reality is only the most wealthy
can afford to litigate in the courts to get a remedy when they're defamed.
RULE'S DELIBERATION
Andrew Rule knew that publishing the results of his three month investigation
would open him and his employer up to the possibility of a defamation
lawsuit. It came down to weighing up his conviction in the truth of the
story and his belief that a publicly elected official such as Clark should
bear such scrutiny, with the risk that Clark would sue them for defamation
in a case that could cost hundreds of thousands of dollars and potentially
take many years. To minimize this risk, The Age went to great lengths
to test the veracity of the story, to ensure the women's allegations could
stand up in a court of law if necessary.
The obvious problem being that if the story wasn't watertight, Clark
could sue for a record amount. Everyone from the Editor-in-Chief to the
editor's secretary knew this. There was two weeks of deliberation and
fine-tuning before finally publishing, says Rule.
In the end, the final call as to whether or not to publish rested with
Michael Gawenda, Rule's editor at the Age. In what he has called
the biggest professional decision he has ever made, Gawenda put the allegations
on the front page of the Age on June 12, 2001. Gawenda has since
revealed that the question that was argued around the conference table
at the Age's head office before publication was not one of whether
to publish the results of Rule's investigation, but how best to publish
the findings.
At the Age, there is no team of in-house lawyers scanning the day's
news and features for possible defamation fodder like there is at SMH,
but law firm Minter Ellison has been the paper's lawyers for almost 20
years. The role of the lawyers, says Gawenda, is to estimate the risk
level and suggest changes that will minimize the risk. Then it becomes
simply a matter of deciding if publishing the story is worth the risk.
Lawyers don't make this decision, says Gawenda, editors
do."
The Age's Sydney sister publication, the Sydney Morning Herald,
was not aware of the investigation during its course and had only six
hours to look at the story before deciding to publish. It also ran with
the story, but altered it slightly.
Both the Age and SMH were accused of putting Clark on a trial by
media and were subsequently confronted with many scathing attacks on their
credibility by media analysts and social commentators. Those who opposed
the publication of the womens' claims accused the Age of stripping
Clark of the presumption of innocence until proven guilty and of ultimately
convicting Clark of rape charges when a court of law was not willing to
do so. At the time, Gawenda attempted to distinguish the role of the media
and the role of the law, and asserted, There is a difference between
something being true and something being proven in a court of law.
The compelling feature of Rule's investigation, says Gawenda, was that
the five women had agreed to sign sworn statements, which would have been
monumental for Clark to overcome or prove otherwise.
Rule was also aware that the strength of his story rest with these five
sworn statements. We would have been wary going into battle with
only one or two statements," he says.
Having five different variations of the same accusation, however, was
a different story. Had Clark sued the paper for defamation, Gawenda says
the Age's defence would have been based on the assertion that that
the women's stories were true, that Clark was a significant public figure
and that there was significant public interest in publishing the story.
For Clark, had he decided to proceed with a defamation action, this meant
the possibility of unearthing information that could tarnish his reputation
even further.
Therein lies the problem with Australia's defamation laws, and maybe even
defamation laws in general -- often, the litigation yields no winners,
except of course, the lawyers, whose fees are almost always exorbitant.
It is arguable that Clark had little recourse to address the affect the
article had on his reputation, despite assertions by the Age that
an action in defamation was open for him to pursue. It was Pat O'Shane,
a vocal critic of the Age's decision to publish, who neatly encapsulated
the inadequacy of a defamation lawsuit, in saying: If he does not
sue, then hey, presto! Case proved. If he does sue, and not win
then
again, case proved. In fact, no proof needed, case proved.
ALBRECHTSEN'S OPINION
The reason that Albrechtsen's article proved a better candidate for a
defamation lawsuit was based on the judge's finding that Albrechtsen's
assertions of opinion were in fact opinion, dressed as fact. Opinion is
valid, under the law of defamation in the NSW, but not when it masquerades
as a set of facts. Pre-publication, Albrechtsen and her editors assumed
that her critique of O'Shane's performance on the bench would be deemed
fair comment.
My piece was a legitimate comment on the decisions of a magistrate,
says Albrechtsen.
The newspaper obviously decided that the publication of the piece
was important, as a matter of principle. If a newspaper cannot publish
an opinion piece which is critical of our judiciary, then that is a major
incursion on our ability to write freely on matters of importance,
she says.
Pat O'Shane obviously disagreed. In the case before the NSW Supreme Court,
she argued that Albrechtsen's opinions defamed her in eight different
ways. Only three of these eight defamatory meanings were found by the
judge to be 'comment', and the remaining five meanings were thought to
be statements of fact. Of the three 'comments', the defence of 'Fair Comment'
could not be made out, the judge found, because of factual inaccuracies
and 'defects' contained in the article, namely, an overstatement on Albrechtsen's
behalf of the number of occasions on which O'Shane had been angry. The
frequency with which O'Shane 'got angry', as asserted by Albrechtsen,
was the defining reason for the success of O'Shane's defamation action.
The role of the editor and the journalist and their ability to espouse
dialogue, control discourse and set the agenda in relation to matters
of the 'public interest' is unquestionable in relation to Australia's
major daily newspapers. Australia's media ownership is one of the most
concentrated worldwide, and as such, editors of papers such as the Age
and SMH are in the powerful position of determining what is newsworthy
and who in the community is deserving of scrutiny.
Pat O'Shane is deeply critical of this power. People must not forget,
she says, that a newspaper is not a public institution, but a private
one, motivated entirely by the need to make profits.
Following her win in the NSW Supreme Court, O'Shane appeared on ABC's
Radio National's Media Report, where she attempted to demonstrate
the power of the media in Australia and the need for strict defamation
laws to keep it in check.
The media is not subject to accountability, to transparency
and
it defines and determines public discourse in this country. They (newspapers)
in fact determine not only what the public will know and understand about
issues, but who will tell, and who will analyse those issues, says
O'Shane.
While this may be the case, the current state of Australia's defamation
laws are certainly not the most simple way of curbing or monitoring the
power of the media. A defamation action can, and often does, take years
and can cost thousands of dollars. While the need for a system of checks
and balances is desirable, the general feeling from those in the media
is that it certainly is not if it is at the expense of free speech, fair
comment and individual expression and critique.
Janet Albrechtsen is a controversialist. In some ways, that is her role
as a journalist. While she acknowledges that the law of defamation obviously
constrains how she writes, and has always done so, she refuses to let
it impede on her right to make a fair comment.
People are entitled not to be defamed unfairly, so I am always very
careful that any criticism I make is fair comment, says Albrechtsen.
Those in the media industry tend to agree wholeheartedly that Australia's
defamation laws are too restrictive of free speech. Andrew Rule is particularly
critical of the protection they afford to public figures.
Australia's defamation laws favour public figures in a way that
others countries' do not, says Rule.
Janet Albrechtsen can acknowledge that defamation laws are an important
protection against malicious and cavalier reporting that may damage a
person's reputation. However, she believes the problem with Australia's
defamation laws are that they are so complex that their operation results
in the constraint of legitimate comment.
Michael Stutchbury, the editor of the Australian, is also critical
of what he believes to be a serious hindrance on the right of free expression.
Australia's defamation laws punish vigorous debate on issues of
public importance and are bias in protecting people's private reputations
at the expense of a healthy democracy, says Stutchbury
It is bad public policy to try and protect the reputations of public
figures from scrutiny by censoring criticism with legalistic menace and
financial threat.
The effects of both Albrechtsen and Rule's articles provide an interesting
appraisal of the state of defamation law in Australia. While Albrechtsen's
serves to remind us that the expression of an adverse opinion about an
appointed official can come at a high price, Rule's article reflects the
power of the press and possibly, the need for a comprehensive system of
checks and balances on the media. In the same breath, Rule's article also
represents the sheer inadequacy of a defamation lawsuit for a plaintiff
such as Clark.
Despite widespread concern among journalists, editors and publishers alike,
it should be comforting to free speech advocates to know, at least in
this case, that the threat of a defamation action will not wear everyone
down. Janet Albrechtsen, for one, is adamant that the O'Shane defamation
case has not altered how she writes.
'In fact, I made a very conscious decision after the case, not to alter
how I write, says Albrechtsen. That was especially the case
just because the newspaper received an adverse result in the O'Shane case.
I will continue to be critical of the decisions of our judiciary - at
all levels.
For Fairfax's sake, and maybe even for the sake of free speech, let's
just hope the next one is worth substantially less than $220,000.
DEFAMATION IN THE
AGE OF ONLINE PUBLISHING
The recent Australian High Court case of Gutnick v Dow Jones decided that
material on the Internet could be subject to the defamation laws of any
country in which the defamatory material is read. The court held that
the place of publication, or the place of upload onto the Internet, would
not automatically be the jurisdiction in which to hear a defamation case,
but rather the place where the defamatory material is read.
This decision meant
that Melbourne businessman Joe Gutnick was able to sue US publishing giant
Dow Jones in the Victorian Supreme Court for an article that appeared
in a subscription-only online magazine, Barron's Online, that inferred
he had business dealings with crooked businessmen, even though the article
was written and uploaded onto Dow Jones' website in New Jersey, United
States. Initiating proceedings in the Victorian Supreme Court was more
favourable to Gutnick, as he would have a much better chance of proving
defamation in a Victorian court, where defamation laws are strict, than
he would in a New Jersey court, where free speech is protected by the
first amendment to the US Constitution.
What sort of effect
has the High Court's decision had on Australia's online newspapers? Michael
Gawenda, editor of the Age, says it is too early to tell. We
have not had actions against us based on what has been published on the
Age Online launched in jurisdictions outside Australia, though
there have been a couple of threats. It's an area we are now looking at
with our lawyers.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Lawbook Company, 2003.
Cant, Sue. Publish at your peril, The Age¸ (Melbourne),
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Chesterman, Michael. Freedom of Speech in Australian Law, Hants: Dartmouth
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Clausen, Lisa. Power and the Press: Rape Allegations in Black and
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2004.
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