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Media essays

Media coverage of the Port Arthur Massacre

By Michelle Hocking

(2002)
Topic: To describe and critically examine the question: How does the media present crime? In particular how was the Port Arthur Massacre presented in the media? More specifically three areas will be addressed. Firstly, a general discussion will be developed surrounding how crime becomes news. This will be applied in the second and third sections. The second section will be a discussion of how the media presents criminals, focusing mainly on how Martin Bryant was presented in the media. The final section will consider how victims of crime are presented in general and in furtherance how Walter Mikac one of the victims of the Port Arthur Massacre was presented.

A crime news story: two sides to the same story.

The Media: "Crime is a high priority news topic. Because of its popularity, there is a large news hole that must be filled" (Chermak, 1995:13).

The victim: "Compassion is not a word that the media comprehend as they set about getting tomorrow's headlines" (Mikac, 1997: 213).


The nature of crime coverage in the media has been the subject of much scrutiny, it has even been said that in some cases crime reporting is more like 'creative writing' than 'objective journalism' (Lippman, 1978: 15). Some may claim that crime sells due to its content, and that it can hold the interest of the audience as it contains elements of interest like good, evil, temptation and sin. In addition, crime reporting allows for constant reminders of the standards that are and are not acceptable in society (Hurst et al, 1994:83). It has been implied by research conducted in the area that many people receive their knowledge and perception of crime and the mechanics of the criminal justice system through media forms (Mc Neely in Anderson et al, 1998: 55). This essay will discuss the ways in which the mass media present crime and the implications and explanations of these presentations. The discussion will be broken into three main parts. Firstly, how crime becomes news, secondly how the perpetrators of crime are depicted and thirdly how the victims of crime are portrayed in the media. Throughout the discussion, examples from the media coverage of the Port Arthur Massacre will be used to illustrate these points further.

How do criminal events become news stories?
The way that crime is reported today and how it was reported in the past has changed over the years. This is due to primarily to the changes in society and the differences in the sorts of crimes that are committed. In the past the majority of reports detailed crimes that included murder, petty crime and theft. Currently the list has grown more extensive to incorporate rape, muggings, terrorism, child abuse, domestic violence, fraud and sport related crime (Schlesinger et al, 1994: 143). Due to the fact that the field of crime has enlarged over time, journalists tend to work in particular areas to cover certain types of crimes. This allows them to develop specialised skills in their area that makes for a better quality report (Schlesinger et al, 1991: 105).

As previously stated, it is the common belief of some that the media have a large influence on the reactions and attitudes of the public towards crime. However, even without media influence, the public appears to find crime news interesting and seek to be informed about the details of crime as they are disclosed. The question that is important to the media when constructing their crime stories is why do the public find reports of crime fascinating? In addition, what are the characteristics of the form or content that is of interest? Journalists choose what to report from the criminal events that have occurred according to the newsworthiness of the crime (Katz in Ericson, 1995: 47).

Even though crime is an area of significance for the media, and that any crime could be used for a news story, some types of crimes are never reported (Chermak, 1995: 18). Chibnall proposes eight concepts that are used by journalists to aid in the evaluation of crimes and to assist them in choosing which of those will be reported. The news should be 'immediate', new and current. The report may be 'dramatic' and therefore hold the attention of the audience. An audience can relate to a 'personal' and 'conventional' story, if it contains familiar issues that they can relate to in their own lives. To a certain extent an element of 'titillation' is important; even though most of the crimes are immoral, audiences still need to find them fascinating. Allowing for comments from experts in the area will increase the reality of the story. In addition, here should be an element of 'novelty' that is, the story is constructed with a fresh and new approach. Finally, one of the most important elements of a successful news story is that it must be 'simple', straight ford and easy to read, if this is not the case the interest of the audience will cease (Chirnball, 1977: 23-43).

The construction of a crime news story:
Firstly, sources ultimately have control over the information reporters are given about a crime. The term 'source' means the contacts that the reporters have that give them the details that they use for their report. Sources for crime reports usually include police, witnesses and victims. The source has the power to decide the form of, when and how the details are to be released to the public. While the media always need sources, sometimes sources need the media. For example, the police may approach the media to disclose a story simply so that the public can come forward with any information that they may have to aid in investigations (Chermak, 1995: 19-20; Surette, 1992: 58-59). After obtaining information from their sources, reporters then sort through all of the possible stories that they have been informed of and select those that are the most 'newsworthy'. Sources and reporters work together to decide which of the details of the crime will be disclosed to make the final story. Finally, a decision will be made as to whether the final story will be run and if so how much space it will be granted (Chermak, 1995: 19).

The evaluation of a crime news story: how newsworthy is it?
Chermak deems that there are four categories of news space that a crime can occupy. These are tertiary, secondary, primary and super primary. A 'tertiary' level crime includes the sorts of crimes that are presented everyday in the media. They are relatively easy to research and can be written on the basis of limited contacts therefore
they are usually brief and disclose only the bare facts. If a more newsworthy event comes up these stories can sometimes be replaced. 'Secondary' level crimes are those at which the journalists conduct more extensive research, use more contacts and are therefore able to report more information on the story. They, like tertiary level crimes, are also reported everyday they usually require more than one journalist for purposes of research. 'Primary' level crimes are those that occur occasionally. They are often placed in the most prominent pages of the paper or are the first to be reported on the television and radio news. Journalists use all of the possible sources and gather as much information as possible. Finally 'super primary' level crimes are those that have national and possibly international newsworthiness. They consist of long stories that take up most of the news space and continue to remain as a primary story as the events unfold (Chermak, 1995: 32-41).

Criminals in the media:
After a discussion about how a crime news story comes about, it is now important to examine the two most important elements of the story: the criminal and the victim. The way that the media depict the perpetrators of crime will be considered first.
In the media, criminals are often presented in various ways depending on their individual circumstances and those of the crime that they committed (Surette, 1992: 63). The characteristics of the perpetrators of crime not only influence the newsworthiness of the report, but also they way that the story will be perceived by the audience. The criminal is important in framing the media story as they contribute the 'bad' aspects to the report (Chermak, 1998:74). In addition, the criminal is the cause of the crime and it is their actions that make the news story a reality.

The Port Arthur Massacre occurred in Tasmania on April 28, 1996. On that day, thirty-five innocent people lost their lives. From the perspective of a crime news reporter, this tragedy would be classified as a super primary story. The events of this day affected people worldwide making it an event that was internationally newsworthy. Martin Bryant is the man responsible for the shootings. He was charged with the following offences when he was brought before the Supreme Court in Hobart: the murder of thirty- five, attempted murder of twenty, causing grievous bodily harm to three, wounding eight, the aggravated assault of four, unlawfully setting fire to property and arson. Bryant was sentenced to life imprisonment without parole in which he is serving at Risdon Prison (The Advocate, 6/7/96:1). This section will look at the way the media presents, portrays and discusses perpetrators of crime. The way that they presented Bryant will be particularly focused on. For the purposes of this essay the Four Corners documentary entitled A dangerous mind will be analysed.

An analysis of the portrayal of Martin Bryant in the documentary; A dangerous mind.
American researchers Andrews and Bonta established in their book 'The Psychology of Criminal Conduct' that there are relationships between peer associations, negative attitudes and criminal behaviour. They outlined six main factors that may contribute to risk taking and criminal behaviour these included: personality/temperament, family/parental factors, lower class origins, educational achievement, personal distress and anti social attitudes (Holsinger, 1999: 22). Each of these factors was referred to in Bryant's case and have been used to construct his presentation in the documentary.

The program begins with footage of Bryant aged twelve. Immediately, they personalize the story by stating that he could be any Aussie kid. By posing the question: "Were any warning signs then that may have indicated that he had the capability of becoming one of the world's most serious killers?" The documentary has set the scene for the story to be told. There are references to Bryant's personality from locals who knew him. Some included: 'misfit', 'loner', 'odd ball', 'weirdo', 'a quiet boy', 'a bit simple' and 'a bit sad'. The journalist acknowledges that while there was early speculation that Bryant was schizophrenic, no medical evidence supported these rumours. A detailed account of Bryant's social and emotional isolation is given from his days at kindergarten where he was 'shunned' by other kids to when his father committed suicide in early 1996. These accounts cover two of the factors mentioned above family and antisocial behaviour. Furthermore, Bryant's financial status was discussed in that he was on a pension due to his low IQ.

The word 'evil' is often used when referring to criminals. In some cases it is used to dehumanise the criminal and secure the public by assuring them that only an 'evil' and not an ordinary person would commit such crimes (Surette, 1992: 63-64). It is interesting to note that Bryant was not referred to as 'evil' in this documentary (though he was in some news reports) but rather as a social misfit. This, from the perspective of the public, is perhaps the most chilling. The fact that Bryant was not
'mad'or 'evil' is a sobering thought as it has the possibility of meaning that anyone who is 'a bit odd' could be capable of such horrific actions.

Throughout the documentary visual footage, audio music and voiceovers were used to intensify the presentation. Photos of Bryant from an infant up until time of the shooting were used as aids to play out the story. Some of the recent photos were shown as close ups on the screen for a short period of time. Many of these appeared to be blurred and thick black boarders surrounded some. The same photos were repeatedly screened sometimes close-ups and faraway shots occurred of the same photo. Images of Bryant at various ages were used in addition to these. As the reporter narrates his relationship with eccentric heiress 'Miss Harvey', imagery of a graveyard, tombstones, Miss Harvey's will and her mansion were aids to increase the reality of the report. Similarly, when describing the suicide of Bryant's father imagery of the dam in which the body was recovered was also shown for the same reasons. Music was minimal, when used it consisted of mainly simple cords of a classic and sombre nature.

Obviously this documentary is not the only media depiction of Bryant in the news media. It would however be very difficult to find every article and television report that has included information about Martin Bryant. A dangerous mind is a careful arrangement of imagery, fact, interview and replay of events. In the end, although it does not really answer the question it seeks, that is 'could Bryant's behaviour have been detected earlier and stopped' it poses some valid theories. In addition, it is common example of the way Bryant was presented in the media to the public.

Victims of Crime in the media:
In another light, Chermak presents that victims, community members and witnesses are considered by the media to give the coverage of a crime story 'emotion', 'authenticity' and 'flavour'. Traditionally, a victims role in a crime story does mot allow them to be considered to be significant ingredients for the purpose of the coverage. This is because journalists want information initially from the police, as they will provide them with enough to produce a daily story (Chermak, 1995: 85).
Coverage of crime brings with it coverage of victims, frequently in dehumanising ways and with traumatizing results. The irony is that close, intrusive coverage of the victim may be occasionally explained away as an effort to "humanize" crime (Carter et al, 1999: 28).

Journalists become interested in victims in some instances when they can contribute to make a more newsworthy story (Carter et al, 1999:26).

The status of a news story as defined earlier (tertiary, secondary, primary or super primary) may persuaded be victims of crime. There are particular characteristics of some types of victims of crime that may interest the audience more so than others and therefore make the crime a more newsworthy story. It appears that the characteristics of 'interest' to an audience include age, occupation and place of residence. The media seems to take an interest in small children and the elderly as victims. Children are portrayed as innocent and the elderly as respected. Both age categories are played on when reporting a crime with a child or elderly person as the victim. Furthermore, occupation is another newsworthy issue. The occupation is most often expressed when the occupation of the victim was that of a student, professional, respected businessperson or criminal justice officer. In terms of the victims place of residence, crimes that occur in the outer suburbs are usually more newsworthy as the happen
infrequently. Crimes are more likely to occur in the inner cities and so audiences come to expect these reports. Alternatively most audience members can easily relate suburban areas as more people reside in the suburbs than in the cities (Chermak, 1995:62-69). If these characteristics are present, the crime news stories tend to be of either primary or secondary status.

From the point of view of a victim, while they enhance the newsworthiness of a crime story for the media, the news coverage may have implications them. By focusing on victims for their reports, the media is putting them at a large risk of a 'second wound'. Second wound is a term used to describe that outcome of the added distress that is inflicted on the victim by the media's intrusive and insensitive coverage (Carter et al, 1999: 26). After and or during a crime, victims lose the capability to direct their situation this often has overwhelming effect.

Walter Mikac could relate to the concept of a 'second wound'. Some may say that Mikac became the face of the victims from the Port Arthur Massacre. He lost his wife Nanette and two young daughters Alannah and Madeline. His experience of being a victim of crime and in turn a victim of the media will be discussed. This section will analyse the ways that The Age depicted Mikac in the articles that were printed in the weeks after the tragedy (1/5/96-10/5/96). Furthermore, comments on his treatment by the media that were made by Mikac himself will also be considered

An analysis of the media presentation of Walter Mikac:
I could hear the shutters flickering. At that moment I knew that I was no longer a husband and a father mourning the loss of his life's essence- whether
I liked it or not, I had become one of the living causalities, the walking wounded from Port Arthur (Mikac, 1997: 6).

Mikac's story is the worst nightmare of any member of the public. As well as been the victim of a horrific tragedy, his story held numerous elements that would make him a newsworthy victim. Mikac lived in Nubeena, a small country town in the Tasman Peninsula. He was a well-respected community member who with his wife Nanette owned and ran the local pharmacy. His occupation as a pharmacist would classify as a professional occupation and his place of residence although not in the suburbs, but in a small country town would add to the dimension of making him a newsworthy victim. Mikac's children were three and six, young, innocent and undeserving. The most important element in this story is that Mikac lost everything in an unexpected and unreasonable crime (Bingham, 2000: 123-126).

"Stricken father", "Fathers gun pain a symbol" and "Grief of one spoke for all" are just some of the descriptions of Mikac that ran as headlines in The Age newspaper in the weeks that followed the massacre. Each of these headline examples are short to the point and most importantly emotive. Described as a father and as a husband allows every person reading the article to relate to his circumstances. By way of visual aids that were used in the stories about the massacre there were many.
Photographs included: Mikac at the memorial service, Mikac clinging to another mourner at his family's funeral, wreaths and flowers laid by politicians, friends, family and others

From the perspective of the victim: advantages and disadvantages of the media coverage for the victims of crime.
The media lined the streets as Mikac entered the Port Arthur Historic Site to say his final goodbye to his family. From then on the media according to Mikac seemed to appear everywhere. He spoke on A Current Affair to Ray Martin on the Tuesday following the shooting. Feeling it was necessary to confront the media, he wanted to be interviewed on his own terms and felt that this was the best way to go about it (Mikac: 1997: 5-7). He believed that he was treated with respect during this confrontation.

Only a matter of a week after the shootings he again was directly confronted by the media, however this time he believed that it betrayed his trust. He specifically told the journalist involved that he did not want then to print a story about his family with his input and would only speak if they printed his words in the correct context. The parties involved agreed to his conditions and he subsequently let a journalist and photographer into his home. Later, the same journalist approached one of Mikac's relatives implying that he had agreed to take part in a profile for their magazine the relative then reluctantly gave the journalist some personal photographs. As a result of this there was a huge spread article in Who Weekly magazine. Mikac was very upset by this intrusive story (Mikac, 1997: 135-136). The AJA code of ethics was established to outline the responsibility of journalists. Number 11: "Respect private grief and personal privacy. Journalists have the right to resist compulsion to intrude" (AJA Code of Ethics). It appears with respect to the above information that the journalist in question may have breached this code.

On the other hand, the media helped Mikac when he took a strong public stand against the Australian gun laws and campaigned to have them changed. In addition Mikac also set up The Alannah and Madeline Foundation to help child victims of sudden loss or violence. Media coverage of these events helped in Mikac's cause. Although he acknowledges that media coverage has helped him in some ways, Mikac continues to maintain his feeling of caution towards them (Mikac, 1997: 245-276).

A conclusion:
This essay has sought to discuss the elements that make a crime newsworthy. Particularly how a crime becomes a news story, how perpetrators and victims of crime are portrayed and the implications for them due to the media coverage. Each of these elements as we have seen is very important to the construction and success of a crime news story. In pulling the threads of the discussion together, it is important to note that what is of public interest, therefore what is 'newsworthy', in relation to these elements depends on each individual situation. The most important thing that this essay has established is that the media have a responsibility to inform the public of events that may affect them. Furthermore, while doing this, they also have a responsibility to the perpetrator and the victim of the crime. The media while doing their job need to be aware of the implications that their coverage may cause the parties involved in the crime. At the same time the victims need to be aware that the media are only doing their job.


Bibliography:

AJA code of ethics, http://www.alliance.org.au/hot/ethicscode.htm.

Bingham M (2000) Suddenly one Sunday, Sydney, HarperCollins .

Carter S, Bucqueroux B (1999) 'Media insensitivity to victims of violence'. USA Today,128, 26-33.

Chermak S (1995) Victims in the news: Crime and the American news media, San Francisco, Westview Press.

Chibnall S (1977) Law and Order News: An Analysis of Crime Reporting in the British Daily Press, London, Tavistock Press.

Holsinger A (1999) 'Assessing Criminal thinking: attitudes and orientations influence behaviour' Corrections Today 61 (1): 22.

Hurst J and White S (1994) ' Violence, Crime and Public Safety', Ethics and Australian Media, Sydney: Macmillan, 82-110.

Katz J (1987) 'What makes crime news?' in Ericson R (ed) (1995) Crime and the media, England, Dartmouth Publishing, 47-75.

Lippman M (1978) 'All the News That is Fit(ted) to Print: Crime Coverage in Melbourne', Media Information Australia 8, 9-15.

Mikac W (1997) To have and to hold, Sydney, Pan Macmillan Australia.

Mc Neely C (1998) 'Perceptions of the criminal justice system: Television imagery and public knowledge in the United States'. In Anderson S and Howard G (eds.) Interrogating Popular Culture: Deviance, Justice and Social Order, New York, Harrow and Heston.

O'Neill M (1996) Four Corners 'A dangerous mind' Sydney, ABC-TV.

Schlesinger P, Tumber H, Murdock G (1991) 'The media politics of crime and criminal justice' in Ericson R (ed) (1995) Crime and the media, England, Dartmouth Publishing, 95-118.

Schlesinger P, Tumber H (1994) Reporting Crime: The media politics of criminal justice, New York, Oxford University Press.

Surette R (1992) Media, Crime and Criminal Justice: images and realities, California, Brooks/Cole Publishing Company.

Unknown (1996) 'Stricken father tells of family and future lost' The Age and Sunday Age 1996 Quarterly on CD-Rom Australia.

Unknown (1996) 'Father's gun pain a symbol' The Age and Sunday Age 1996 Quarterly on CD Rom Australia.

Unknown (1996) 'Grief of one spoke for all' The Age and Sunday Age 1996 Quarterly on CD ROM, Australia.

Author contact: Michellehocking18@hotmail.com


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